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| View Poll Results: Would the fight for England's home rule be better served with one united party? | |||
| Yes |
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16 | 88.89% |
| No |
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2 | 11.11% |
| Voters: 18. You may not vote on this poll | |||
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#31 (permalink) |
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Senior Member
Join Date: Jun 2006
Posts: 607
Party: Free England Party
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I will attempt to answer your questions, although my views are not necessarily those of the party.
1. It all depends on how we evolve as a party, how many members we have, and how much money we have to campaign with. Realistically and honesty, I think it's unlikely. 2. The same as above. UKIP and the EDP have been going a lot longer and have not yet reached this level. 3. I think the Tories will win the next GE, although a hung parliament is very possible. 4. The Tories sold us out to the EU years ago. No reason for them to change now. I think a lot depends on how the SNP fare in Scotland as to the future of the union. Alex Salmond believes an independence referendum will happen in 2012, and if he continues the way he is, he will win it. I don't think an EP would ever be proposed by any of the three parties that dominate Westminster at present. It is going to take the election of a fair number of nationalist MPs to change its thinking, which will take many years. My hope is that the SNP can persuade the voters in Scotland to terminate the union. Now, a question to the EDP and UKIP. Would members of those parties work towards defeating the SNP plan, knowing it could take us out of the EU, knowing it could provide an English parliament?
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The Free England Party - England's Premier Nationalist Party www.freeengland.com .....Serious about England |
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#32 (permalink) |
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Senior Member
Join Date: Oct 2007
Posts: 1,769
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Ea of dune, if the FEP want to split into groups they should get cassie on board.
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"You think you are combatting prejudice but you are at war with nature". Edmund Burke. http://www.buchanan.org/pa-98-1127.html |
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#34 (permalink) |
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Senior Member
Join Date: Mar 2006
Posts: 951
Party: Free England Party
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I see just about the entire political elite of the UK as corrupt and selfish. I see them as having no real ideological beliefs, as not being very attached to democracy and, in varying degrees, being personally dis-honest. Their interest in England is how much taxpayers' money they can divert to themselves, their family, their party, and to their supporters as payback. None of them seem to think of the English nation as having any relevance in the age of the EU and globalisation.
It seems that as soon as "amateur" politicians start to get within reach of elected office, they become greedy and tainted by much of the above. For most of my life I have been a pretty right wing, union-hating Tory (and an English nationalist). I now see the saving of England - her overall revival, her exit from the EU and her national independence - as being in the hands of ordinary Englishmen. Our political, media and intellectual elites have all failed us. I see a range of necessary policies required to revive the economy of England and to provide skilled employment. These policies call for state intervention, protectionism, mercantilism and massive support of industy and the fostering of national champions. Much of this sounds like 1970's failed leftism. In fact the French have shown that it can be done well today: witness our French built cars, trains, aircraft and power stations. The role of the Free England Party is to show ordinary Englishmen that it is possible to stand in elections and to engage in politics without losing touch with honesty and common sense. I work in finance and see some long term structural issues emerging for the nation from the credit crunch, as well as immense damage being done both to the national commerce and to household budgets. Events in the run up to the next general election may suggest that radical political change is required. We are hoping that our party whose sole aim is to benefit England and her ordinary people will have some resonance. As for the pro-Unionist EDs: they are busted. Why associate with failure? England deserves much, much better than them.
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Andrew Constantine says: The EU is a French-German racket and is incompatible with democracy. An independent England will quit the EU forthwith. Free England Party - Independence for England http://www.freeengland.com Signatory to The English Claim of Right http://englishclaimofright.com |
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#35 (permalink) | |
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Uber Member
Join Date: Dec 2006
Posts: 2,852
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Quote:
Even so, he describes the corruption of modern politics in Great Britain very informatively and the book is well worth reading. __ |
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#36 (permalink) | |
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Junior Member
Join Date: Mar 2008
Location: Lancashire
Posts: 41
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#37 (permalink) | |
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Senior Member
Join Date: Jun 2006
Posts: 607
Party: Free England Party
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Quote:
And before anyone suggests that we should work towards getting an EP within Britain first, I have explained why I don't think this is likely, elsewhere.
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The Free England Party - England's Premier Nationalist Party www.freeengland.com .....Serious about England |
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#38 (permalink) |
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Senior Member
Join Date: Oct 2007
Posts: 1,769
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This is a book review off amazon.co.uk which explains what the Peter Osborne book referred to above deals with. It is of interest to posters on this forum.
An Uprising Against Britain's New Ruling Class, 28 Sep 2007 By Henry Berocca - Peter Oborne is a columnist on the Right Wing Daily Mail, the organ of conservative Middle England. He has nevertheless written a revolutionary tract, which is essential reading for anyone who wants to overthrow Britain's ruling class. In The Triumph Of The Political Class, he shows how that class has been transformed, largely by stealth, within the space of a generation. Britain used to be governed by the Establishment, a network of people who knew each other (often through family) and largely shared the same social background, education and values. These values were pre-eminently Victorian: their best qualities were public service and incorruptibility, their worst were amateurism and snobbery. Their values were very strongly enforced - the monarch who rejected them, Edward VIII, was dethroned at the Establishment's behest. For about a hundred years this Establishment and its values dominated the governance of Britain through its grip on its major institutions, the home and overseas civil service, the armed forces, the judiciary and the City of London (before deregulation). They were buttressed by the monarchy, the state churches, and most of the media, especially the BBC. Although they dominated the political system, they regarded politics as a duty, rather than a career: indeed for most of the twentieth century it was almost impossible to make a living out of politics alone. People went into politics to represent their class or their locality, and they kept strong personal links with the interests in civil society which they represented. This Establishment was remarkably adaptive. It survived two World Wars (when it successfully enlisted new talent to make good its shortcomings), the rise of organized labour, the emancipation of women and other gigantic upheavals. But it did not survive the arrival of a new elite who elbowed it ruthlessly aside and destroyed its powerbases. This is Oborne's Political Class - and a deeply unlovely bunch they are. They live in a sealed world - like astronauts on an alien planet, moving along airlocked passages between a series of domes: party machines: "think-tanks"; Parliament; government; EU bureaucracy; lobbying; consultancies; media, all within the giant dome of politics. They form a self-admiring, self-promoting coterie and although they can plot viciously against each other they protect each other equally fiercely from any attack or criticism from the outside world. In their hands the political parties have melted their political differences and simply become vehicles for personal ambitions. Ironically, the political parties have never been so well organized and managed at precisely the moment when they no longer represent the interests and values of wider society and when they are all being deserted en masse by their former members. Like all inhabitants of a sealed world, the Political Class behave very oddly. As a gentleman himself, Oborne spends a fair amount of time analysing their speech - a weird and depressing mix of managerial gobbledygook and fake populism - and their dress. More pertinently, he exposes their standards of conduct. On the whole, the old Establishment behaved better than the people they governed. The Political Class behaves much worse - although it does not stop them preaching endlessly at other people about "responsibility" and good citizenship. With a wealth of examples, Oborne shows that our new rulers are parasites, who enrich themselves constantly at the taxpayers' expense. They routinely abuse power, lie and suppress and manipulate the truth. They never admit error or failure, they always shuffle responsibility onto someone else. In daily life, unlike the old Establishment, they are graceless and self-obsessed. In sum, they have no standards whatever except their own advancement. Yet they are indignant when anyone exposes their behaviour and turn savagely on those who call them to account (Oborne tells chilling tales of the treatment of Elizabeth Filkin, libelled and dismissed as Parliamentary Commissioner of Standards, and of John Yates, the policemen who investigated cash-for-peerages). Oborne unearths a wonderful remark from former Blair adviser Geoff Mulgan (a prime specimen of the Political Class, who has glided from "think tank" to Number 10 and back with no contact with the outside world): "we expect leaders to abide by far more demanding rules than the rest of us. So, for example, we expect them to suspend personal considerations when exercising impersonal power; not to give special favours; not to treat people well just because they like them. We don't let them use their power to enrich themselves or gain sexual favours." Wrong, Geoff - those are precisely the standards which everyone is expected to live by - drudges, doctors, directors - and it is our rulers who repeatedly flout them. On one point, however, Oborne has misread the new Political Class. He suggests that unlike the old Establishment they have no religious values. In fact, many of the new Political Class, especially in New Labour, are ostentatiously religious (the latest being Gordon Brown, parading his preacher father to his Party Conference). Moreover, all the Political Class have found it expedient to form an alliance with religious leaders and self-selected representatives of "faith communities". In consequence, a third of Britain's state schools are now under religious control - although fewer than 20 per cent of Britons make any kind of religious observance. By contrast, although the new Political Class boasts constantly about its professionalism and surrounds itself with armies of expensive consultants and experts it has proved spectacularly incompetent in matters great and small. Apart from Iraq they have given us the ERM debacle, railway privatization, endless botched reorganizations of the NHS, a string of IT disasters (and ID cards in waiting), farm payments, the prison crisis, inadequate armed forces equipment, housing and medical care, incoherent and failed policies on drink, drugs and gambling, the Millennium Dome, school meals... Almost nothing these people touch works properly. They could not even replace the Lord Chancellorship. How did so many corrupt, charmless and incompetent people get away with it? Oborne gives a large part of the answer. They suborned, subordinated and supplanted all the institutions which might otherwise have resisted them - often with the assistance of willing collaborators within. In particular, the home civil service and the diplomatic service were humiliated repeatedly - their advice rejected and their normal command structures replaced by political appointees, expensive outside consultants and (most sinisterly) by intelligence services which were captured by the Political Class. To give only one of copious examples of this process of humiliation, Alastair Campbell's understrapper, a nonentity by the name of Danny Pruce, had more influence on the infamous September dossier on Iraq than the whole of the Foreign Office. Oborne is equally penetrating about the Political Class's attacks on the Monarchy (no match for Blair's calculated emotive response to the death of Princess Diana), the judiciary (still intact but repeatedly threatened by political appeals to populist feelings) and above all, the media. The Political Class, notably Tony Blair, would have us believe that their behaviour was a necessary response to a vicious, voracious media. Garbage. The Political Class have recruited large sections of the media to print or broadcast its propaganda as fact. That is what spin doctoring means and it requires willing collaborators in the media. Some of the media have done even worse, and propagated deliberate lies or character assassination at the behest of the Political Class. More and more of the media, and its members, are becoming indistinguishable from the Political Class. They routinely trade jobs and careers - politicians become expensively paid columnists, journalists join the government machine and give orders to civil servants. The Political Class gets angry with journalists only when they break ranks and refuse to play the game. In spite of their shrill complaints, both the Thatcher and the Blair governments had a remarkably easy ride from the media. Nearly all of their biggest decisions were endorsed and promoted by the media and their propaganda was rarely, if ever, dissected or challenged. The Political Class has thrived because of the collapse of the institutions which might have resisted it. But that is not the whole story, and there is a vital factor which Oborne fails to discuss: political apathy. All the parties fret publicly about public apathy and disengagement from the political process - but the Political Class actually depend on it. They do not want people to become engaged in politics. It is no coincidence that their remedies for low voter turnout are postal voting and text or online voting - all of them ways of voting which are more passive and unthinking than the traditional ballot box (and all of them, incidentally, a major threat to the secret ballot and the integrity of the election process),
__________________
"You think you are combatting prejudice but you are at war with nature". Edmund Burke. http://www.buchanan.org/pa-98-1127.html |
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#39 (permalink) |
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Member
Join Date: Oct 2006
Location: WARWICKSHIRE
Posts: 390
Party: English Democrats
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Good piece it just shows what we are up against!
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"There is a forgotten, nay almost forbidden word, which means more to me than any other. That word is ENGLAND." - Sir Winston Churchill |
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